Dr. Michael Jankowski

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Voters who switched to the BSW have always been culturally more conservative and more populist than other voters, even when they had similar voting patterns in the past. Most BSW voters have previously voted for Die Linke, SPD or AfD.

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Based on a novel conjoint design, we demonstrate that women are selected to top positions under PR. Moreover, when fewer women compete for list positions, then the remaining women are nominated to better list positions.

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Public employees and citizens show similar preferences when it comes to deservingness-based decision making. Discrimination exists but only to a small extent.

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A study is not robust when the results depend on a single observation, even when you publish it in the APSR.

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Voters with higher levels of populist attitudes are more likely to vote for Independent Local Lists.

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Voters really like proportional electoral systems, even when they live in the UK.

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Voters want their parties to be primarily policy-seekers in coalition negotiations, but office-seeking can play an important role under certain circumstances.

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Strategic voting campaigns by interests groups gain more support when they are supported by the affected parties.

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Assessing the validity of proxy-measures for theoretical concepts derived from machine-learning classifcation models only based on the F1 scores and correlations with other measures can be insufficient.

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Populist parties combine radical host ideologies with strong issue emphasis. Left-wing populism is about the economy, and right-wing populism about migration.

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Voters often do not punish corrupt politicians because they lack a clean viable alternative. This effect is particularly strong for voters of radical parties who often like only one party and, thus, are less likely to have a viable alternative.

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We know that some voters trade-off policy congruence against adherence to democratic principles when selecting candidates. We demonstrate that populist and authoritarian voters are particularly likely to do so, while less populist/authoritarian voters do not tarde-off these concepts so easily.

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For decades, CDU/CSU candidates opposed same-sex marriage. However, after its legislation, the attitudes of many CDU/CSU candidates on this topic has changed and their opposition to same-sex marriage crumbles.

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Populist attitudes and disconent with a perceived lack of representation in salient policy domains are strongly connected. This holds also for supporters of non-populist parties.

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We asked hundreds of German political scientists to position parties on various political dimensions. This works well and provides interesting data for the reserach community.

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The promise of new public management that oversight issues in administrative delegation disappear with setting appropriate extrinsic incentives is too simplistic.

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Using open-response data from parliamentary candidates, we find that the core meaning of 'left' and 'right' remains stable over time. However, concepts loosely associated with these terms change based on salient policy issues.

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During COVID-19, Germany discussed compulsory vaccination programs. We find that in-party cues and expert cues decrease support for compulsory vaccination. Populist attitudes, in combination with left-right positions, also play a role.

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Local experience is the most important dimension for local party elites when selecting candidates. Socio-demographic factors are less important but still matter.

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We use quantitative text analysis to highlight that party branches in different federal states take different positions in forest policy.

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Germans have very nationalistic design preferences for the design of international vaccine allocation and distribution institutions.

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Ballot position effects in open-list PR systems are weaker among postal voters compared to in-person (election day) voters.

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Independent local lists' election results are strongly affected by the presence of national anti-establishment parties in the municipality.

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When you reform an electoral system, you try to balance trade-offs and make the whole thing incredibly complex. That's bad for voters who usually don't understand these systems very well.

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There is lots of room for improvement in the design of ballot papers in municipal elections.

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Contraty to some assumptions in the literature, the incumbency advantage is just as strong in local elections as in national elections.

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In municipalities with worsening socia-structural developments, independent local lists are elecorally more successful.

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How you specify regression models has an impact on the interpretation of the results. We demonstrate this by comparing our study with a different study on gender effect in Polish open-list PR elections.

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Civil servants show no discrimination in hiring decisions while private sector employees do.

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We demonstrate that collecting and analyzing local party manifestos provides relevant information about party conflict at the local level.

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We present a new data base on election results at the local level in Lower Saxony.

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Voters want an electoral system that is proportional but also leads to clear majorities and is easy to understand. Designing an electoral system that fulfills all preferences is not possible.

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Female incumbents have a positive probability on the future election of female candidates, but no spillover effects to other lists.

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After the success of the AfD in Germany, parliamentary candidates became more conservative on cultural issues but not on economic issues.

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Voters opposed the new personalized electoral law in Hamburg. Especially voters with little political interest and older voter are opposed to it.

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We provide counterevidence to the claim that gender quotas in open-list PR systems have a counterproductive effect. While these quoats are not very effective, they still had a positive effect on women's political representation.

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We demonstrate that party branches in different federal states take different positions in agricultural politics.

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We demonstrate how voting patterns of the AfD MEPs changed in response to the radicalization of the AfD as well as switching of the EPGs.

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France and UK are most frequent defectors in the voting behavior of EU member states.

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Despite different claims, populist radical-right parties do not foster the representation of women.

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This is one of the first studies on the position of AfD candidates during the time when the AfD was not yet fully radical-right.

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Electoral systems impact which and how strongly MPs are loyal to their party.

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Voters strongly rely on localness cues when selecting candidates. Therefore, candidates from regions with more voters have an advantage.

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Smaller party branches in federal state get more support from the national party branch in regional elections.

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The EU is the only regional organization in the UNGA which shows more cohesive voting patters, when the adaption of a resolution is close.

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The new electoral law in Hamburg was supposed to make candidate choice more sophisticated. Instead, most voters probably used simple short-cuts such as the ballot position.

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ASEAN has a high voting cohesion in the UNGA but this is not particularly unique.